Sociologists and political scientists generally agree that a populist wave has been sweeping much of the Western world for some time now. Many church members would have heard or read discussion about populism, though most would struggle to define it. What is populism? Because the term is so malleable, it’s often challenging to formulate a straightforward definition. Populism can manifest itself in politicians and organisations with left-leaning or right-leaning ideologies, among socialists and capitalists alike. It helps to realise that populism isn’t so much a set of political policies or platforms, but rather a distinct style.
Defining Populism
A 2017 Stanford University Conference highlighted some markers of the essence of populism. Here are a few of their conclusions.
First, populism is almost always highly anti-elitist. This is seen in the consistent use of language which refers to the corrupt elites, the Deep State, “the swamp”, and so on. These elites are portrayed as intolerably oppressing the common people, the true patriots, and huge change is required.
Second, populism is also anti-institutional. This means, along with the elites, many of the established institutions themselves (governmental, judicial, economic, etc.) are seen as either totally irredeemable or in need of vast, sweeping reforms. Indeed, numerous studies confirm trust in institutions are at all-time lows.
Third, populism is plebiscitary. Generally, this refers to those seeking to gain validation through appealing directly to the masses rather than governing through the conventional processes and institutions (which are perceived as corrupt). In contemporary times, this is particularly effective due to the pervasiveness of social media. Official statements, decisions, or even random thoughts are frequently disclosed on social media before any official channels.
Fourth, populism usually requires a strong, charismatic leader. From the likes of the Argentinian-born revolutionary Che Guevara or Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez (representing prominent left-leaning examples) to more contemporary examples such as Hungarian Prime Minister Victor Orbán and, of course, US President Donald Trump (representing strong right-leaning figures), populist leaders frequently exhibit similar traits.
If the above were the entire extent of populism, it could be contended that populism isn’t inherently bad. A moderate dose of therapeutic populism may, at times, have a tonic-like effect on a culture. There are instances where profound reforms are imperative, monopolies need to be dismantled, and genuine injustice needs to be addressed. There can be a beneficial side of populism, a “good populism”. Unfortunately, there’s also a darker side that demands our attention.
The Darker Side of Populism
Populism tends to thrive on half-truths, paranoia, conspiracy theories, and outrage, as do those who would wield it for power. None of this is novel (see Hofstadter’s 1964 essay ‘The Paranoid Style in American Politics’), but many experts agree that for a myriad reasons there has been a recent resurgence.
One particularly negative characteristic of the populist style is its inclination to demonise and dehumanise political adversaries. When individuals perceive their political opponents as actively seeking to undermine their way of life, they transform them not merely into adversaries, but mortal enemies. Consequently, diplomatic negotiation or rational debate aren’t viable courses of action, so one must go on the offensive against ones opponents. This mindset has unfortunately contributed to the polarisation of society.
Another very detrimental characteristic of populism is the propensity to catastrophise electoral defeats. Every election cycle is perceived as “the most important of our generation”, accompanied by dire warnings that any loss would mean “we won’t have a county anymore.” It’s exhausting, yet also deceptively engaging. The danger lies in the erosion of commitment to the rule of law and the rising tolerance for more authoritarian solutions to perceived existential threats. People become more open to their side doing whatever is necessary to defeat the opposition.
Populism often comes with a side of anti-intellectualism. Its inherent distrust of elites and institutions can lead to a predictable distrust of intellectuals across all disciplines: science, government, business, media, and the church. While populism attempts to position itself as a return to common sense, it can develop into a hostility towards education and specialised knowledge in general. Some might more or less conclude, as Tom Nichols observes, that “experts are wrong simply by virtue of being experts.”[1]
This becomes a significant problem in a world where it’s increasingly complex to distinguish information from disinformation, and to identify trustworthy individuals. In general, many Christians lately haven’t been doing well at this. Carey Nieuwhof summarised his research into Christian lack of discernment: “Christians were twice as likely to fall for conspiracy theories spread on social media than those who consider themselves ‘Religious Unaffiliated.’” I contend this is a natural spinoff from the populist mindset many churches have embraced. This must change.
Think Christianly
As people of the word, we must be able to rise above the noise and have a filter through which we assess information. What are some biblical pillars to ground us against the growing tide of populism?
First, remember that government is one of the few institutions ordered by God (the others, of course, being family and the church). Augustine viewed civil government as a necessary evil, necessary because mankind is evil. Romans 13 makes it clear that “the authorities that exist are appointed by God.” Human government is always far from perfect, but it is still sanctioned by God himself. In fact, Paul declares, “those who resist [government] will bring judgment on themselves.”
As Christians, the Bible declares our responsibility is to submit to and obey civil government (Rom 13:1; Tit 3:1; 1 Pet 2:13). Furthermore, we are to pray for our leaders (1 Tim 2:1–2). Obviously, we want our preferred party to win, but we must remember God is still sovereign even when they don’t win. Losing elections has a way of revealing our faith.
Second, stop joining in with the populist reaction of demonising people you disagree with politically. As Tim Keller writes, when the church stops speaking to questions that transcend politics, then the world will begin to see that “religion is really just a cover for people wanting to get their way in the world.” The church is to be an organisation focused on our mission; we are Christ’s ambassadors for the kingdom (2 Cor 5:20). When we lose our way begin to sound far too similar to one particular party and its talking points, we need to pause and seriously examine ourselves. Our only true allegiance should be to God’s kingdom as citizens of heaven (Eph 2:19; 1 Pet 2:9).
Finally, remember that the most lasting transformation and renewal is not that carried out by the governments or lobbyists or protestors of this world. Rather, it is the redemption that comes in the gospel of Jesus Christ and leads ultimately to the renewal of all things when he returns. Jesus established the church to be his voice, arms, and feet. He stated, “my kingdom is not of this world. If my kingdom were of this world, my servants would fight” (Jn 18:36). The church was given the mission to make disciples of all nations (Matt 28:19–20). This is the ordained process by which human beings are transformed one soul at a time (2 Cor 5:19). Governments will come and go, but it is the church that the gates of hell will not prevail against (Matt 16:18).
The church must examine itself in regards to the creeping populism of the West. If we find ourselves adopting a more populist mindset than a biblically wise and missional mindset, it is imperative to correct course. If we find ourselves hating our enemies more than loving them, it’s time for some seriously overdue repentance.
[1] The Death of Expertise: The Campaign Against Established Knowledge and Why It Matters (Oxford University Press, 2017).
